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July 31, 2004

Unsolicited Outbursts

So lately I've been struggling to find a good way to describe my general worldview. Of late, "misanthrope" and "libertarian nihilist" have become popular. I'm not too comfortable with either of those, and my mother mercifully bestowed "curmudgeon" on me instead. (I refined it to "aspiring curmudgeon" -- my eyebrows aren't shaggy enough yet to be a full-fledged curmudgeon.)

All of the above is a rather pointless set up for Justin's Unsolocited Outbursts, which appear below.


Whoever convinced some of you that wearing visors was cool should be shot. It was never cool. Take it off.

No cargo pants. EVER. (Except the bona fide military issue type.)

If you get to yell into your cell phone around me, I get to scream the Titanic theme song at the top of my lungs into your other ear.

The performance of any music that involves pretty white boys rapping over power chords should be a capital offense.

If you are ugly or male, don't ever lean up against me on the Metro, no matter how crowded it is.

I'm not the type of guy who thinks women should be stick-thin. I've got a pretty wide range of body types I find attractive. But low-rise jeans were not made for women on the heavier end of that spectrum. They make cute girls look chubby. Hey, you don't see me running around in a singlet, do you?

Plastic surgery is for people who were horribly disfigured in car accidents.

America should embrace soccer. It's vastly more interesting than basketball or baseball.

If you go out to a nice dinner, no Diet Coke. Period.

You haven't convinced me God is dead. But I'm pretty sure that if he's still alive, he's pissed about the whole visor thing.

Ahh, that was nice. Might do it again.

July 30, 2004

The Company You Keep, Part Deux

Since Republicans have fully embraced one Trotskyist, I suppose it was only a matter of time until he encountered some competition. Looks like Cockburn's trying to glom onto some of that neocon foundation money.

If Republicans cozy up to Cockburn, the only thing left is a gigantic bust of Engels at the Convention and politicians leading us in singing patriotic songs. Wait, we already got that one.

Resolved: Wonkette Is Actually Pretty Hot

I'm sure it's already been said, but since I've come to a conclusive judgment on this weighty issue, I've decided to cast my lot with Wonkette.

A little short, perhaps (or else Tucker Carlson is rather tall) and she's got a bit of a hippychick thing going, but she's all right by me.

Now, back to our regularly scheduled ill-humor.

Laugh? Cry? Both?

Mother Jones has compiled its "Diddly Awards" for the 108th congress, which outlines some of the moving rhetoric and profound accomplishments of our legislature. Some highlights?

••• Rep. Nick Smith (R-Mich.) refuses to name names but has confirmed that during the midnight vote-buying that finally got the Medicare bill out of the House, he was promised "$100,000 plus" to help fund his son Brad Smith's campaign. According to Smith, the Republican extortionists said the money would come from "pharmaceutical business groups." According to columnist Robert Novak, when Smith voted no anyway, Rep. Duke Cunningham (R-Calif.) served as GOP consigliere, informing Smith that his son was "dead meat."

And of course some on Iraq:

••• Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.) offered his Iraq strategy: "Mow the whole place down, see what happens."

••• Sen. John Kerry (D-Mass.) explained his vote in favor of the Iraq war: "Did I expect George Bush to fuck it up as badly as he did? I don't think anybody did."

••• Rep. Patrick Kennedy (D-R.I.) explained his opposition to the president's economic policy: "I don't need Bush's tax cut. I've never worked a fucking day in my life."

••• Rep. Fortney H. "Pete" Stark (D-Calif.) opposed the Iraq resolution, saying, "We have a president who thinks foreign territory is the opponent's dugout and Kashmir is a sweater."

Heady days, these.

July 28, 2004

Kerry's Foreign Policy

Via Yglesias, an account of a briefing with two big shot Kerry foreign policy advisors.

Interesting from Rozen:

The real difference between Kerry and Bush, the two men, is revealed in their personal backgrounds. Kerry is fundamentally an internationalist. It is relevant that he is the son of a foreign service officer, that his father served in Berlin during the height of the Cold War, that Kerry was educated in Europe, that he's married to a woman born abroad, it is relevant that he served in Vietnam. This is not just campaign rhetoric. Vietnam is centrally important to understanding Kerry....He came out of the war a war hero but someone questioning the war.....

John Kerry will be his own secretary of state. He will be a real hands on and enaged foreign policy chief. He likes to travel, he likes to sit around and talk about foreign policy issues, he cares about these issues, he is interested in foreign cultures, he's an internationalist.....

Interesting from Yglesias:

(from an earlier post) My understanding is that Beers and Holbrooke are at opposite polls of Kerryite foreign policy thinking (with Beers taking a realist line and a narrow conception of the war on terrorism, while Holbrooke defines it in broader and more idealistic terms)...

(and later) Rand Beers was operating, I think, at a very strange level of generality. He didn't offer much in the way of specifics on, say, North Korea, Iran, or Darfur. That's fine as far as it goes -- there's only so much time in the day, and much of foreign policy is dealing with the unexpected. But he didn't offer us a really general picture of Kerryism/Beersism either. Didn't discuss minor issues like what the goals of a Kerry administration would be. Instead, he focused on these mid-level implementation issues. You got a good sense of, if Kerry decided to try and do X, how would he go about doing it. That's a good thing to know about, and lord knows the Bushies could stand to take a management seminar or something so they can learn how to get shit done, but goals really do matter.

Hmm, well I wouldn't call Beers a realist, but it's interesting. One wonders if the reason Beers is circumspect about talking about hard policy questions because he's accepted the "America's going to look out for its own interests, and everybody else is just going to have to wait" line. That would put Kerry in a tough spot if the Republicans, now having discarded the notion of national interest entirely, would plug away at the effective "the Democrats want Saddam Hussein back in power" line. In that scenario, the Kerry/Beers position would be pretty damned close to realism. People sometimes forget that there's a whole range of prudential judgments to be made by realists, with me at pretty much one extreme (if I belong on the realism spectrum at all) and people like Beers (if they belong on the realist spectrum at all) at the other extreme.

It's just not scaring me. For all of the dopes on the right who seem to think that John Kerry is going to roll over onto his back, put his paws up in the air and ask Osama bin Laden to scratch his belly, I'm just not buying it.

July 27, 2004

Ex-anarchocapitalists Gone Wild

Randy Barnett is asking how libertarianism has anything to say about foreign policy at all:

...would the U.S. Army [be] acting unjustly on Libertarian grounds [if] it goes to the aid of innocent civilians in Somalia, the Sudan, or Iraq? I do not see why. If these people are indeed the victim of horrible rights violations a solder regardless of whether his uniform is American or Iraqi would be justified in going to the defense of the victim according to Libertarian first principles. So if "defensism" is a proper principle of foreign policy, it does not appear to follow from Libertarian first principle, since either going to the assistance of the innocent and not going to her assistance is an equally justified act. (This is apart, of course, from the moral duty one may have to help the innocent.)

Now, this has a certain resonance coming from somebody with Barnett's roots, and no particular allegiance to the notion of the state whatsoever. The odd part is that Barnett is somebody who has argued against capital punishment, not on the grounds that it is inherently unjust, but because he believes the state is so incompetent that it will inevitably execute innocent people.

Why then should the US government and her daisy-cutters decide who lives and who dies in Sudan or Iraq? Necessarily, wars involve huge amounts of rights violations -- namely the maiming and killing of huge numbers of innocent people. As Barnett paints it above, it's just a matter of sprinkling pixie dust over the target country and making evil disappear.

Barnett claimed earlier that "[b]ecause Libertarianism is essentially a philosophy of individual rights, I doubt it says much about what policies either individuals or collective institutions ought to pursue other than that they should not violate the rights of individuals in pursuing them." Aside from the fact again that bombing innocent people violates their rights, one of his prior blog posts paradoxically touts a recent paper he wrote that claims "Libertarians no longer argue, as they once did in the 1970s, about whether libertarianism must be grounded on moral rights or on consequences; they no longer act as though they must choose between these two moral views. In this paper, I contend that libertarians need not choose between moral rights and consequences because theirs is a political, not a moral, philosophy; one that can be shown to be compatible with various moral theories, which is one source of its appeal." So how is he arguing a few days later that libertarians can only make arguments based on rights? What about the notion of consequences?

As David Friedman has pointed out: "Few egalitarians would prefer a society where everyone had a real income of $1,000 to one where incomes ranged from $90,000 to $100,000. Few Rawlsians would choose to improve the lot of the world’s worst-off person by one dollar at the cost of massively reducing the welfare of everyone else in the world. And few libertarians, however hard-core in theory, would choose a perfectly free society of desperate poverty over one slightly less free and very much wealthier."

If he allows for consequences to matter, the assumption Barnett must make is that on balance, the population of a target state will necessarily end up better off after we're done working our magic. His position would be incoherent otherwise -- (Americans are worse off, because the government has taken our blood and treasure to try to defend the rights of people in another country, but now they're worse off too.) So he can't really get away from the notion of consequences at all. Consequences matter, too, and I think the historical record is out on whether frivolous US wars have netted good consequences.

So aside from the fact that elective wars cause the US government (and possibly by extension, the US electorate) to become massive rights-violators, we would have to be pretty sure that each intervention makes Americans and our targets better off, or at least a majority of the population on the whole.

But even if the thing comes out okay, it's never going to be pareto-optimal. And then how is that not the oppression of a minority by a majority? Gene asks:

Does it violate libertarian principle for the U.S. government to wrest scores of billions of dollars from the American taxpayer (possibly as much as $3,000 per American family) in order to address rights violations committed half a world away against people not under its protection?

I'd say it does. I have a right to come to the defense of others. I do not have the right to steal Randy Barnett's car in order to do so.

Right. I could go on and on, but I'm frankly a little puzzled why we're having this debate at all.

We Don't Have Ol' Bubba to Kick Around Anymore

But we can still remember when a president mastered the English language. Like:

"You know, it would scare the shit out of al-Qaeda if suddenly a bunch of black ninjas rappelled out of helicopters into the middle of their camp." (p. 189 of the 9/11 report)

or

"Our way works better." (from his speech at the Democrat convention)

Now, I'd quibble with much of the thrust of that last point, but damn is it nifty political rhetoric.

The 9/11 report is turning out to be an interesting read, but in all honesty I have to admit that I get a little bogged down by all of the names. Not only are they alien to me, but it seems like most of the players have several names, and it's hard to keep track of who is who sometimes.

The Clinton line from his speech at the Dem convention plays much to the note I've thought about (and may have blogged about, but am too lazy to look for) before. If this election is turned into a "Were the Clinton years better than the Bush years?" referendum, I think Bush is out. Now, I certainly don't think that's an entirely fair comparison, but voters have short attention spans. In the abstract, it's pretty clear that the Clinton years were better than the current times, and if people vote with that in mind, I'm thinking Bush is sunk.

Danger!

Matt Yglesias has a good piece up at the Prospect about the newly-regurgitated Committee on the Present Danger.

July 26, 2004

The Interesting Things I [Re]Learned From Bill Kristol, Part 1

John Kerry voted against the first Gulf War.

An interesting, if understandably downplayed mark in his favor.

Update: I am reminded that there was once a time that lots of Democrats eschewed frivolous interventions like Gulf Wars I and II. In the haze of the hawkish current era, my memory occasionally lapses. Sincerest apologies.

Returning Fire Up L Street

Chris Preble and I have a co-authored piece up today in response to AEI's recent assault on reality --er, sorry-- realism. It's best to read their piece first (we linked to it in ours) and then read our response.

I think their piece is remarkably telling in demonstrating how truly utopian their view of world politics is. It appears this battle is going to go on for at least a few more months, but if Bush gets the boot, I wonder whether the neocons might as well.

Anyway, go read.